The Facts Speak for Themselves!

Since the beginning of the 21st century, capitalist system has been increasingly marked by crises and wars. As the system fails to solve its economic and political crises, authoritarianism and wars become more and more widespread on a worldwide scale. The apparatuses of the bourgeois order spread various lies aimed at manipulating the masses, but to no avail. For, in this capitalist world, which flounders in a severe historic crisis and strives to overcome it through a Third World War, the facts speak for themselves! In its effort to proceed in the light of revolutionary Marxism, Marksist Tutum has long pointed out to burning realities of the capitalist world. And these points have been proven time and again by ensuing developments. Under current circumstances, where the memory of the masses is under constant attack of the bourgeois ideology, it is of utmost importance to repeat and remind these points.

System crisis deepening

Let us remind some key points that we touched upon in our previous articles regarding the system crisis of capitalism. Capitalism is now in a tendency towards historical regression and recession. This tendency has produced a prolonged downward spiral that goes far beyond the short-term cycles of upswings and downswings in capitalist economy. To highlight its distinction from ordinary periodical crises in the workings of capitalism, the current crisis is the historical system crisis of capitalism. The current state of the world glaringly reveals the correctness of this point. Since the beginning of the 2000s, economic indicators have been a source of an ever-growing concern among bourgeois economists, who fear a global crisis and recession. Emanating from the conditions of capitalist crisis, this mood of pessimism also pervades the ideologues of the bourgeoisie. Voices are being raised about the hellishness of capitalism even from the bourgeois circles, ranging from the Pope to prominent scientists like Stephen Hawking.

Let alone the semideveloped and underdeveloped capitalist countries, even the big imperialist powers such as the USA, the EU and Japan, and the emerging imperialist powers like Russia and China, are all in an ever-deepening downward spiral of crisis. In all aspects, current conditions of instability remind one of the periods preceding the two world wars. These two world wars were accompanied by two major crises of capitalism. And today, we are passing through the Third World War, which is the product of the third major crisis of capitalism. Mounting militarism and colossal military expenditure in capitalist countries strikingly reveals the relationship between the great depression of capitalism and the spread of imperialist wars.

Containing many conflicting aspects within itself, capitalist mode of production proceeds on the basis of the contradiction between expanding production and shrinking purchasing power of the masses. As Marx underlined, the ultimate cause of all real crises lies in the poverty and limited consumption of the masses. Capitalism makes the working class, the creator of economic growth, grow into a colossal mass, but it also shrinks the share of wealth owned by the working class, just as it reduces the proportion of the employed sections of the working class. But at the same time it shrinks both the share it gets from capitalist distribution and the section of the class having a job. In order to obtain higher profits, capitalists ramp up the exploitation of the workers they employ. At a certain point, however, restrictive laws of capitalist economy step in and the average rate of profit tends to fall.

With its unplanned, profit-driven character, capitalist mode of production is doomed to undergo overproduction crises. This is an absolute law. Acting as a catalyst in the processes of capitalist production and distribution, credit mechanism further exacerbates the crises of overproduction. During depressions, borrowers become unable to pay back the credits, which drives the capitalist financial institutions and states into a colossal, irreversible debt spiral. Today, all capitalist countries are confronted with ever-expanding private and public debts and budget deficits. Governments constantly reduce social spendings for the sake of rescuing banks and big monopolies.

There is an effort to promote investments in the face of the ever-growing tendency towards recession. This finds its most obvious expression in the housing sector where credit bubble is over-inflated. This produces fragile and instable conditions in the banking system and certain stock markets. The tendency towards instability has reached serious dimensions. This undermines the desire for industrial investments, leading the capital towards short-term and higher-yielding financial games. But it is obvious that the greed to make money out of money, without any real increase in the total surplus value, is nothing else than gambling. The mass of total surplus value, created by the world working class, is divided into the forms of profit, interest and rent. The ongoing competition for this division constitutes a massive source of speculation. Economic figures artificially soar on the basis of “hot money” that flows across global stock markets in pursuit of financial games. Yet, when the bubble explodes, these inflated figures plummet to their real levels.

Capitalism has sought to escape from the formidable consequences of under-consumption through massive indebting, i.e. consumer credits. But this has brought about an unsurmountable problem of “unpaid debts”. Now this problem stands in the way of capitalists in the form of unsurmountable crises. What this brings for the working class is reduced wages, cuts in social funds, loss of jobs, cancelled credit cards, and eventually an almost complete loss of purchasing power. Besides, credit system creates many destructive consequences for the workers and their families. Furthermore, it plunges them into dangerous illusions about capitalism and prevents them from taking a combative class attitude against the system.

As a result of the economic stalemates, caused by its inner laws of operation, and the deep-rooted social contradictions, which trigger class wars across the world, capitalism is now faced with a serious impasse. One of the most striking manifestations of this impasse is the credit mechanism going useless, which have once provided fresh blood for capitalism. Long considered as a magic saviour for capitalism, the credit mechanism has gradually turned into a monster planting the seeds for new crises. But neither capitalism is able to abandon credit mechanism nor credit mechanism can promise an endless life to capitalism. As the most important element for the workings of capitalist economy, credit mechanism is ripening the contradictions of capitalism to the point where its overthrow becomes an necessity.

Globalised capitalism has also largely lost its capacity to ease imperialist centres by exporting the destructive effects of crises to periphery countries. All these facts point to the destructive consequences that will be produced by the ongoing great crisis of capitalism. This system has entered into a period of senility where the tendency towards historical collapse is getting more and more tangible. With its workings that widen the gulf between the rich and the poor on an unprecedented scale, capitalism is plunging full steam ahead into “uncharted waters”. Imperialist wars of division are turning the lives of working masses into hell. Reminiscent of the People of the Abyss by Jack London, masses of immigrants are abandoning their homes and settting out for “journeys of hope” that end at the bottom of cold seas.

World War III spreading

As we have reiterated since the early 2000s, the ever-deepening system crisis of capitalism is accompanied by an exacerbating and unpredictable struggle for hegemony between big powers such as the USA, the EU, Russia and China. The mounting rivalry and tensions between capitalist countries are exacerbating regional problems, carrying them from diplomatic tables into trenches and expanding the terrain of imperialist wars. We are passing through a period of hot wars in the full sense of the word. The successive imperialist wars that are being waged in the present episode of history are episodes of a new type of “World” war. Third World War III had actually started with the war for the carve-up of the Balkans, which broke out following the collapse of the Soviet Union. It continued with the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq by the US imperialism. With imperialist powers spreading fire to different regions where they compete for hegemony, the war has expanded in scale and continues to do so.

We cannot foretell how the battlefield would expand. But one thing is clear: today’s rising imperialist powers, Russia and China, will become increasingly involved in the conflicts in the regions subject to redivision. New imperialist blocs will emerge out of rivalries over hegemony, resulting in exacerbating conflicts between these blocs. It is obvious that we are passing through a period of world war, namely World War III, which consists of regional wars of redivision attached to one another forming a chain and is carried out via new tools and methods. Due to its critical geostrategic location between Europe and Asia, Turkey lies in the middle of imperialist conflicts.

The threat is serious and directly concerns the peoples of all countries in its range. Let us repeat the points that we made in our article on 25 March 2003: “Turkey is part of this imperialist war. The Turkish establishment, both the circles of big capital and the general staff of the army, are haggling over how to (…) get a share from the spoils. Although their hands do not seem to be strong against the war coalition of the US and British imperialists, it should never be forgotten that they will be very brutal in the face of the attempts of the Kurds to determine their own fate! They will not refrain from driving the Turkish workers and toilers to bloody adventures when the most natural right of the Kurdish nation to ‘separate and establish their own state’ comes onto the agenda. Turkish soil will be part of the battlefield in the Middle East due to the selfish calculations of the Turkish establishment and the pressures of US imperialism.” (Elif Çağlı, Mobilise Against Imperialist War and Capitalism!) These points on Turkey, which we made over a decade ago, retain their validity in today’s Turkey.

It is glaringly evident that capitalism, which has become a destructive monster in the full sense of the word, represents a grave danger to whole of humanity. Considering the quantitative and especially the qualitative dimensions of armament, it appears that the World War III will be the final link in the chain of imperialist wars. For, either capitalism will lead to the total destruction of humankind, or the organised revolutionary proletariat will emancipate humanity by eradicating capitalism from the earth.

GMEP still on the agenda

In our past assessments, we emphasized that the US intervention in Iraq was not a temporary phenomenon, but an integral part of the Greater Middle East Project (GMEP) carried out by the US imperialism, which covers a vast area stretching from the Middle East to Caucasus, from Asia to Africa. As a preliminary step for the “Greater Middle East” assault, American top military circles had already established and reinforced new military bases on the area stretching from the disintegrated Soviet Union territory to Afghanistan. The ideological preparation of this imperialist redivision has been carried out through the ideological products shaped by the bourgeois authors who were ready to serve the global geopolitical purposes of the US imperialism. Written by Samuel P. Huntington in this framework, “The Clash of Civilizations” strikingly exemplifies how the US prepares the ground by inciting ethnic and religious divisions in the areas where it seeks to provoke a war of redivision. With the “National Security Strategy” announced by the Bush administration in September 2002, US imperialism declared its intention to establish hegemony over all the important spheres of influence in the world. A major element of this strategy was to produce successive horror scenarios, reminiscent of Hollywood scenarios, in order to invent pretexts for imperialist interventions and state terror. In the aftermath of the 11 September 2001, not only in the US but in all capitalist countries, it became the dominant policy of the bourgeoisie to play on manufactured fears.

When the US invaded Iraq and overthrew Saddam’s regime, we continuously pointed out the danger that the imperialist war would spread across the Middle East. Reformists and European socialist circles, on the other hand, began to overemphasize the fact that things in Iraq were not exactly going as planned by the US. They began to assert that the US had fallen into a quagmire in Iraq and therefore the GMEP had come to a halt. Reformist lefts, including those engaged in political activity on an international level, downplayed the gravity of the danger posed by the imperialist war. They propagated that the US had failed in Iraq and would withdraw from the region altogether.

From 2003 onwards, while the flames of the imperialist war were spreading in GMEP territory, many European socialists (and their likes in Turkey) were carried away by and deluding themselves with the rising left tide in Latin America. Many soft-time socialists were hailing reformist left-wing governments in Latin America as “revolutionary power”, whereas, in fact, they were acting as a brake on a potential revolution by the working masses. In our articles during that period, we stressed that the revolutionary struggle was paralysed by the approaches that were lulling the proletariat by downplaying the imminent danger. We remarked that, in circumstances where imperialist powers were driving parts of the world into a bloodbath, it was utter evasion to ignore the harsh realities in these areas and try to delude oneself with the left tide in Latin America etc. that seemed far from the war zone.

In our articles on the imperialist war, we continuously pointed out the fact that, no matter which side ends up victorious or defeated, in this period of historical system crisis of capitalism, the GMEP (or any imperialist war project to that effect) was a strategic plan and therefore could not be ultimately negated by tactical failures. Those articles have been vindicated by subsequent events. Let us remind a few striking examples. When the US invaded Iraq in March 2003, it was well aware of the fact that this impudent act would bring many troubles and that it would be confronted with various resistance movements in Iraq. However, these realities did not prevent it from embarking on insane adventures.

“The Iraqi War was the first act of the horror ‘play’ staged by the aggressor American monopolies. (…) It is high time for the actors who are to perform the imperialist war of division called Iraqi reconstruction. (…) For the imperialists the Middle East must, in general, be reshaped not only for the interests of the arms and oil monopolies but also to get the capitalist system out of the recession.” (Elif Çağlı, The Imperialist War of Division Continues, 11 May 2003)

“It should always be considered that an imperialist country becoming aggressive as a consequence of her motive for enlarging out into new markets would not plunge into militarist adventures with the expectation that everything would go smoothly. An imperialist power which is sure of its hegemonic position and confident about its power would not need to be frantically offensive. (…) Even though imperialist powers (…) have sometimes the feeling of being pulled into a quagmire in the battle fields, this makes them not calm, but more offensive. (…) If these conflicts manifest themselves as a hot imperialist war in the Middle East, then Latin American countries will not be immune from the general danger as they are not, and will not, be living as if in another planet. Not only Turkish, Kurdish or Arab peoples, but all peoples around the world are under the threat of increasing militarism, mounting imperialist conflicts and rising fascism. The counter-revolutionary forces that increase the attacks against the working masses in general are lying in ambush and waiting for the right moment for Latin America. In conclusion, we have to stress that it is not the winds of spring blowing, but we are in the middle of danger. (Elif Çağlı, In the Middle of Danger, 28 May 2006)

EU grappling with its own troubles

Let us remind, when the AKP came to power following the general elections on 3 November 2002, the Turkish bourgeoisie was rubbing its hands in the hope that Turkey would join the EU. It was seeking to kill two birds with one stone. On the one hand, it was trying to secure the support of the US in an effort to get its share from redivision of the Middle East. On the other hand, it was wooing the EU. Despite all efforts, however, it is still standing in the doorway of the EU. According to liberal authors, however, the EU enlargement process was going to follow a smooth path and develop into “the United States of Europe”. Turkey and the North Cyprus would become members of the EU. And gangrenous national questions such as the Kurdish and Palestinian questions would be resolved peacefully! In opposition to these illusions created by the liberals, we have continuously remarked in our articles that the EU was in fact crumbling as a result of the historical crisis of capitalism.

The realities of capitalism shattered the myth that the capitalist EU was going to turn into the United States of Europe that would abolish national borders. To avoid misunderstanding, we must state that certain nation states can gather under the roof of an economic union as in the case of the EU. But what is clear is that such unions can by no means secure an irreversible political integration, nor can they eliminate potential rivalries and conflicts between member nation states. Under imperialist capitalism, it is always possible to form economic alliances on the basis of common interests. But in the final analysis, imperialist alliances or treaties have a temporary character and cannot remain in a steady state of balance. Competition between big powers would continue in new forms, resulting in new relations of interest. This would disintegrate the existing imperialist alliances and encourage the emergence of new ones.

During the period where liberals were propagating that Turkey would soon become an EU member and the EU was going to bring democracy to Turkey, we made the following remarks in our brochure: “We will see whether the European Union, supposedly proceeding in a road to become a capitalist ‘United States of Europe’, can exist as a ‘unity’ even at the present level. The allegation that capitalist Europe can represent an anti-war and a democratic choice against the aggressive USA will inevitably collapse once again with a big uproar.” (Elif Çağlı, Marxist Attitude on the Question of European Union, 12 April 2003) Today, the EU is a capitalist union that has an uncertain future and that is divided on the basis of the competition between its member nation states. It tends to disintegrate even as an economic unity, which is glaringly exposed by the vacillating position of Britain, one of the leading members. The EU was allegedly going to democratise Turkey. Yet today, for the sake of keeping migrants away from its border, it is making the dirtiest deals with the anti-democratic Erdoğan regime!

Fragility of the sub-imperialist country

As opposed to many left-wing circles that downplayed the capitalist development in Turkey and misread the dependence on imperialism by almost equating it with colonial period, we have repeatedly pointed out the fact that Turkey is a sub-imperialist country. Let us reproduce a brief extract: “The concept sub-imperialism defines a position below the imperialist countries that occupy the higher steps of the imperialist pyramid of hierarchy. Although a sub-imperialist country is not yet as economically powerful as those countries in the upstairs and not as influential as them in determining the world agenda, it conducts directly expansionist relations in its own region in the company of big imperialist powers. That is why the countries that reach this level by climbing upwards among medium-level developed counties are qualified as sub-imperialist.”

“It is obvious that there is a certain loosening of dependence of a sub-imperialist country upon imperialist countries in comparison to other capitalist countries that are not at this level of development. Those capitalist countries that have reached the level of regional powers can sometimes defy big powers to move more independently in their own interests. With time the form and nature of their relations with big imperialist powers develops to their advantage. For instance while they were once just simple policeman of big powers in their own regions now they seek to move along with big powers for the purpose of quenching their expansionist appetite.” (Elif Çağlı, On Sub-imperialism: Regional Power Turkey, 2009)

As can be understood from this explanation, capitalist countries constitute an hierarchical pyramid on the basis of their respective powers. The fact that Turkey has developed into a sub-imperialist country does not make it as mighty as big imperialist powers. As implied by the term itself, being a “sub” power or a regional power differs greatly from being a “superior” or a global power. Moreover, this applies not only to economic power, but also to political, social, military and diplomatic power. In the final analysis, sub-imperialist country is more fragile as compared to big imperialist powers.

With the AKP coming to power in 2002, it became increasingly apparent that Turkey had developed into a sub-imperialist country. This created an exaggerated self-perception among the bourgeois camp. As a result of the developments in that period, Turkish bourgeoisie was exaggerating its power and shifting towards a baseless optimism about the future. Yet as indicated by the iron laws of capitalism, Turkey was in fact a sub-imperialist power that had a fragile position before big imperialist powers. But the AKP under Erdoğan’s leadership had big ambitions. They were dreaming that, as a regional power, Turkey would make and put into effect plans independently from big imperialist powers. But this dream was doomed to bump into the realities of capitalist world sooner or later. Yet awaking from this dream was postponed as the capitalist development, which lifted Turkey to the position of sub-imperialism, continued during the first years of the AKP rule, up until around the 2011 general elections.

These events have vindicated our perspectives which we put forward in an article in 2008: “In a sub-imperialist country such as Turkey, ruling layers (both military and civilian) have long been aspiring to become a regional power. However, in accordance with the workings of imperialism, this kind of ‘subs’ are unable to run their own show without the consent of their ‘superiors’. Therefore, although they sometimes take different stances on regional issues such as the Kurdish question or Iran, both the AKP government and the general staff are unable to take a path that is disapproved by the US. In regions such as the Middle East, where they have a long-established hegemony, imperialist powers would never allow potentially expansionist countries like Turkey or Iran to follow their own independent agendas. It is for this reason that the US ruling class keeps a watchful eye on Turkey and Iran.” (Elif Çağlı, Current State and Prospects of Capitalism, 25 March 2008)           

On the other hand, as a sub-imperialist country, Turkey is seeking to embark on expansionist adventures in the Middle East, despite the chief imperialist powers. “In order to justify itself in the field of international politics, the Turkish state is using the pretext of ‘PKK terror’. In fact, it is hellbent on satisfying its long-standing desire for oil-rich provinces of Iraq such as Mosul and Kirkuk. No pretext can change the unjust, dirty and imperialist character of this kind of military operations of the Turkish state. As a result of the common social interests of Turkish and Kurdish workers and toilers, it became a pressing and urgent task to solve the Kurdish question democratically. Turkish state is seeking to victimise Kurdish people for the sake of its imperialist ambitions.” (ibid.) Although it has been quite a long time since these lines were written, our remarks retain their validity today.

From dreams of democracy to authoritarianism

Our previous articles contain another point worth recalling: our perspective on Turkey’s real position in the period of the imperialist war. In our past articles one of the points we noted was the true state of Turkey in the present period of imperialist war, which we believe needs recalling. For instance, in an article written in 2002, we were pointing to possible outcomes: “It is frequently said that Turkey has a significant geostrategic location, acting as a bridge between Europe and Asia. In fact, Turkey lies in the middle of the conflicts of interest between the US, the EU and emerging imperialist powers such as Russia and China. Turkish bourgeoisie is keen to take the advantage of this situation and show its power. But it is far from easy to satisfy this desire, least of all on the diplomatic table. In a period where the conflicts between imperialist powers are intensifying, Turkey has become a battlefield in the middle of the wars for hegemony.

“Turkey will continue to be a matter of bargains at a time when the USA pushes the European countries to get its plans of aggression towards the Middle East approved by the UN. In the same way the EU holds the card of Cyprus for bargains against Turkey, the USA holds the cards of oil regions like Mosul and Kirkuk in Northern Iraq and of Kurdish question against Turkey. On the one hand, the Turkish bourgeoisie dreams of reclaiming the oil regions that used to be within their sovereignty at the time of Ottoman Empire. But on the other hand it has nightmares of Kurdish question that will be a hot issue in relation to a possible war in Iraq. The Turkish authorities kept reiterating that founding of a federal Kurdish state is a casus belli until now. In order to soothe Turkey the USA now make Talabani and Barzani, the Kurdish leaders in the Northern Iraq, say ‘we do not want an independent Kurdish state, but a federation within the territorial integrity of Iraq.’ But who knows what can happen tomorrow once the war of division has started?” (Elif Çağlı, When War Drums Are Beaten, 31 December 2002)

When we wrote these lines, the AKP had just come to power. It should be remembered that at that time, bourgeoisie was painting rosy pictures for the future, claiming that one party rule would open up an era of stability in Turkey. These optimistic dreams were shadowed by the Iraq War in 2003. But in 2008, when Obama became the US president, liberal authors began to claim that he would bring a stable democracy and peace to the world. According to liberal democrats, globalisation would start a new age of capitalism where there would be no borders and conflicts. Yet, it was self-evident that globalisation was far from abolishing borders. On the contrary, it was exacerbating the capitalist competition on a global scale, further intensifying international conflicts and frictions.

One of the prominent left-liberal authors in Turkey, Ahmet Altan, was hailing the newly-elected US president Obama as a great leader who would set his stamp on huge transformations in the “brand-new epoch”. But as we had repeated many times, it was evident that the wars of redivision, provoked by the US imperialism, were far from an issue created by the Bush administration, but rather by the American finance capital and military executives, regardless of who is president. Liberal democrat authors also circulated many illusions about the political regime in Turkey. According to these authors, the economic development in Turkey would spontaneously solve certain historical problems. The AKP was going to liquidate the military tutelage regime and promote democracy. The country was going to undergo a democratic revolution! Using certain improvements in healthcare as an instrument of justification, liberals provided the bourgeois AKP government with undeserved support at certain moments. Ahmet Altan was promoting the then-prime minister Erdoğan as the architect of the change that would create “a new system” and “a new country”.

2002 marked the beginning of the AKP government, which promised to bring democracy and economic stability. The first two tenures of the AKP, from 2002 to 2011, were characterised by promises for lasting reforms in many fields. It was also promised that global economic crisis would only slightly affect the country. The military tutelage system was going to become a thing of the past. Kurdish question would be solved. A new constitution, which would promote democracy, was going to be launched. Yet on a world scale, a deep economic crisis and a war were rapidly brewing, shattering the dreams of bourgeois reforms. Therefore, the rosy pictures painted by liberal authors in Turkey were in stark contrast with the bleak outlook of the world. But what was more important was the real intention of the AKP, and especially its leader Erdoğan, regarding the democratic steps that could and must be taken in Turkey.

The intervening years have revealed the true face of Erdoğan, laying bare both his nationalist and anti-Kurdish political background and his own private agenda. It became evident that his promises for a democratic constitution and the solution to the Kurdish question were in fact tools of propaganda that were intended to help him rise from the post of prime minister to presidency, and if possible, to one-man rule. From 2002 to 2011, the AKP and Erdoğan were posing as underdogs who were standing up to the threats of a military coup with the support of liberals. Erdoğan and the AKP promised to put an end to the military tutelage, which was accompanied by the mass arrests and trials following the operations called “Balyoz” and “Ergenekon”. These circumstances created the impression that Erdoğan dealt a heavy blow to the military tutelage regime, bringing uniformed bourgeoisie into line.

But following the outbreak of the 17-25 December Corruption Scandal in 2013, Erdoğan launched an all-out war against the Gulenist clique, portraying them as a “parallel structure” ensconced within the state. At the same time, he turned his back on left-liberal authors, who had supported him up until that point. This new episode was characterised by a very striking fact. Erdoğan, who was supposed to liquidate the military tutelage regime, made a deal with the upper echelons of the military (or negotiated and agreed, for his own political benefit, to some of their terms that they had previously imposed upon him through coup attempts) and took up the “red lines” of the military tutelage regime. Undoubtedly, what mattered most to Prime Minister Erdoğan was to be elected as president. And finally, on 10 August 2014, he gained the majority of the votes in the first round and reached his goal, opening up a new chapter. He settled in his “white palace” with a new political identity, which was based on a hostile stance regarding democratic issues such as the Kurdish question and which advocated a bloody war of annihilation against the Kurds’ demand for peace. Throughout this process, Erdoğan gradually turned into a Bonaparte, while an authoritarian political regime was being formed in Turkey. Liberals had expected democracy from the AKP and Erdoğan. But the country ended up with autocracy.

The ongoing process is marked by Erdoğan’s efforts to replace parliamentary regime with a one-man rule, which go hand in hand with brutal repression, detentions and arrests across the country, and ruthless attacks and massacres against Kurdish people. Carried away by “Neo-Ottoman” dreams, Turkey embarked on imperial adventures in the Middle East, embodied in the slogan “zero problems with the neighbours”. But it ended up with “zero neighbours”. Most importantly, Turkey lies at the very heart of the World War III, which is increasingly expanding and ravaging especially the Middle Eastern countries at the current stage. Furthermore, as we underlined in our article Decaying Capitalism in 2007: “Under the altered conditions of today, the ending of global-scale hegemonic wars will not be a simple repetition of the past. Stalemates and unending disputes may lead to a chaotic situation which may last long.” This chaotic situation is turning the world into a hell and dragging humanity into total annihilation. There is only one way out of it: revolution!