Forward to the Struggle Against Fascist Escalation!

It is truly said that every country has a bloody history. Since the transition from communal society to class society, with the exception of revolutionary struggles, history has always been a bloody death zone, where ruling classes made peoples kill each other. It is for this reason that history always appears to be recurring. For rulers, peace has only been a temporary armistice, serving as a preparation phase for the next dirty war. Yet, in every chapter of history the oppressed, exploited and poor masses took up the struggle for peace when they grasped the true content of unjust wars. When capitalism dragged society to the darkness of fascism in an endeavour to overcome depressions, revolutionary, democrat and intellectual people resisted dictators and flied the common banner of struggle against fascism. It should be remembered that history is not a predetermined destiny awaiting society. Rather, it is made by the struggle of the masses.

Enemies of peace

Throughout the ages, humankind made enormous advances in civilisation and technology. However, with each class society replaced by a new one, oppression and bloody wars became more and more unbearable for the masses. While it developed productive forces on a colossal scale, capitalism also plunged the world into two great wars, where millions of people were killed, wounded, disabled and traumatised. As a result of the imperialist wars of re-division provoked by capitalism, millions of people, corresponding to the combined population of tens of countries, were killed in bloody whirlpool of unjust wars. Under capitalism, humankind experienced the cruellest form of dictatorship in its entire history: fascism. During the Second World War, when Europe was being crushed under the boots of fascist columns, a general opposition to fascism emerged on a world scale. The Second World War ended with the defeat of the Fascist Italy and the Nazi Germany. This was a product of the general response against Nazism, most notably the anti-fascist resistance movements in occupied countries and the struggle waged by the Soviet Union through Red Army. Indeed, a historical episode ended with the annihilation of its notorious fascist dictatorships. Yet the root cause behind fascism, that is, capitalism, remained alive. Consequently, in subsequent decades, fascism continued to plague many countries including Turkey, inflicting repression and persecution upon the working masses.

Today, as a result of the historical crisis of capitalism, a new world war, the Third World War, is taking place. Bearing striking resemblances to the disastrous periods of the past, the Third World War is increasingly spreading its flames into new territories. If a lesson is to be drawn from past experiences, one must see the link between the rise of fascism and the periods of capitalist depressions and imperialist wars. Today, with bourgeois order becoming more and more authoritarian on a world scale, fascism is rearing its ugly head once again. In the case of Turkey, it continues its actual escalation. When the masses are deprived of the necessary level of consciousness and organisation to defend their own interests, they experience a repetition of history at the hands of the bourgeoisie, which seeks to plunge them into the hell of war and fascism once again.

When millions of people, from Europe to Asia, were suffering under the flames of the First World War, bourgeois dictatorships were sending the working masses to the battlefields, forcing them to kill their class brothers. Bourgeois regimes provoked imperialist wars for their own class interests. They poisoned millions of toilers with nationalism and pitted them against each other on the battlefields. It was not those toilers who determined their destiny. If those millions had refused to kill their class brothers and turned their weapons against their own bourgeoisie, history would have followed an entirely different path. But this is not what happened! For, the masses lacked the necessary consciousness and organisation. Or as glaringly exposed in the case of Germany, they were led to defeat at the hands of the bureaucratic and reformist leaderships that dominated the workers movement. But Germany also witnessed the courageous and revolutionary stand taken by communist leaders such as Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht, who called out that the main enemy was at home. Just like Lenin, they raised the banner of struggle against imperialist war and called on workers to fight against their own bourgeoisie. With their infinite confidence in the revolutionary potential of the working class, Rosa and Karl maintained the fight under the most unfavourable conditions. And when they became immortal martyrs in January 1919, they shouted their final cry: “I was, I am, I shall be!”

The confidence that Rosa and Karl placed in the revolutionary potential of the working class was by no means an idle one. It had already been vindicated by the Great October Revolution of 1917. Over the course of many years, under Lenin’s leadership and with great patience, tenacity and faith, Bolsheviks had put tremendous effort into revolutionary organisational work within the working class. Under the conditions of imperialist war, this effort was combined with a massive demand for peace on the part of the working masses. On this basis, the revolutionary struggle successfully marched forward to establish workers’ power. While the imperialist war was still dragging unorganised masses towards death and destruction in many countries, the masses in Russia joined the fight to build a new order under the leadership of the revolutionary proletariat, taking their destiny into their own hands. Thus, it was vindicated by history that, in the face of the bloody whirlpool of unjust wars provoked by the bourgeoisie, there is only one way out for the masses: organised struggle of the revolutionary proletariat.

Throughout the history of capitalism, every major crisis was accompanied by the bourgeois order mounting repression and authoritarianism. And at times, when there was no barrier erected in its path, fascism emerged triumphant out of such depressions. In the cases of Italy and Germany, the struggle against the escalation of fascism failed to prevent the rise of Duce and Führer. Unfortunately, fascism seized full power in these two countries. Wherever it came to power, fascism dealt the greatest blow to the organised revolutionary forces. The next target was the peoples who were declared enemies. After coming to power in Germany, Nazism committed atrocities both at home and abroad. While they were spreading death and destruction abroad in Europe and the Soviet Union, Nazis were also staging pogroms at home against Jews and constructing gas chambers. In order to intimidate the working masses, German fascism committed bloody massacres, using various striking forces such as the Gestapo. In the meantime, it also subordinated the armed state forces and high-ranking generals to its command.

Lured by the unscrupulous atmosphere of the era, many Germans joined the ranks of Nazi organisations. Among them were people from different sections of the society, from distinguished, classical music lover generals to highly educated people who would not hurt a fly in ordinary times. They all became subservient to an ex-corporal, the self-proclaimed “Führer”, raising their right arms and shouting, “Heil Hitler!” Many doctors, who had taken the Hippocratic Oath to save lives, sold their souls to Nazis as a result of their hatred of Jews. They took part in the operation of gas chambers, where millions of Jews were killed. The history of capitalism is replete with such appalling cases that claimed the lives of millions.

In the aftermath of the Second World War, the European and American capitalism embarked upon a restoration program aimed at easing the pains of the war-weary masses with sweet dreams that thrived in the era of economic boom. In advanced capitalist countries, so-called “welfare state” policies improved the living standards. Thus, feeling relatively prosperous compared to the past, masses placed greater confidence in the bourgeois order. But while a “peaceful” life flourished on such a basis in imperialist countries, millions of workers and toilers were killed, wounded and permanently disabled in the wars of re-division provoked by the same imperialist countries in distant regions outside their borders. Many others also lost their lives in the national liberation struggles against imperialism. In 149 different wars that took place between 1945 and 1992, 23 million people were killed, 20 million of whom were civilians. As a result of the permanent aggression of capitalism, there have always been regional conflicts and wars. However, in the period following the Second World War, the Soviet Union acted as a counterbalance with and within its sphere of influence. The collapse of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s represented the removal of such a counterbalance. Hence, starting with the Middle East, the flames of the Third World War began to spread across various regions of the world. Correspondingly, the Turkish state abandoned its long-established foreign policy epitomised in the slogan “Peace at home, peace in the world!” With the changing conditions in national and international arena, this traditional policy was gradually replaced by imperialist plans, which found expression in the “neo-Ottoman” dreams of the AKP government.

Since the early 1990s, millions have lost their lives in the wars in regions stretching from the Balkans to the Middle East. Today, the world war finds its most dramatic manifestations in the shattered bodies of thousands of new-born babies, in the suffering of millions of men and women displaced from their homes and in the tragedy of thousands of refugees drowned in the sea. In the Middle East, most notably in Syria, imperialist countries are adding fuel to the fire, ruining the lives of the working masses. However, when these people flee their war-torn countries and become refugees, the same imperialist countries use everything at their disposal to make their borders impenetrable. Anti-refugee legislations are being introduced in order to deny refugee groups entry and habitation. Armed forces are being employed at the borders. Taking such forms and many others, fascism is escalating on a worldwide scale. In this tragic picture, Turkey acts as a bridge to hell. The policies adopted by the Turkish state are acquiring an increasingly fascist character. As a result, refugees are risking their lives in horrible journeys across the sea, often drowning and their dead corpses washing ashore. However, the fascist escalation in Turkey manifests itself, first and foremost, through bloody massacres committed against the Kurdish people, socialist youth and the general struggle for democracy.

Unorganised masses: Nothing but slaves

Turkey is experiencing repression, atrocities and massacres that are peculiar to extraordinary periods. But there is a huge gap between the western part of the country and the Kurdish-populated areas. Kurdish people are waging a just struggle against the bloody war provoked by the Turkish state on their own soil. Kurdish masses have long closed ranks around the demand for democratic republic and autonomy. Therefore, their social mood is determined by their commitment to organise and fight against the oppressive regime. And how about the working masses in the western part of Turkey? Unfortunately, western part offers a grim picture, reminding the state of “blindness, deafness, ignorance, and unresponsiveness” that gripped the German people in the past. As the saying goes, “unorganised masses are nothing but slaves”. Nothing could prove this saying more clearly. If they are unable to speak up against the massacre of a fellow people on the same soil, the masses, in fact, amount to nothing more than slaves who are captive to their rulers. Whether aware or unaware of his or her status, a slave is a slave. Whether enslaved through military force or modern media, a slave is a slave. Today, fascist escalation finds its expression in the regime’s policies aimed at subjugating the society. Having made almost all media corporations part of its ideological apparatus of repression, the regime is turning the unorganised masses into mental slaves. To add insult to injury, under the impact of the paralysing polarisation whipped up by the regime, a significant part of the working masses mistakenly regard themselves as allies of the government. Thus, they hail their masters – the masters who condemn them to the conditions of slavery!

As the old saying aptly puts it, “the worst of the slaves is the one that obediently submits to the conditions of slavery.” But we know that this situation is not an exception of Turkey. Rather, it is part of the general outlook of unorganised masses on a worldwide scale. Unorganised masses can easily fall into illusions, yield to intimidation, and worst of all, turn a blind eye to massacres. When their Jewish neighbours were loaded into cattle wagons and sent to death camps, did the German people, who had long prided themselves on their civilisation, raise their voice? Only after the end of the war and the defeat of fascism did they wake up to the realities. In return for their silence in the face of bloody massacres committed by the Nazi regime, they paid a heavy price: a deep, decades-long sense of humiliation and regret. Since then, German people have been struggling to appease their conscience with the usual narrative: “We had no idea, we heard nothing!” Let us remember what is said when nations undergo similar experiences: “About you the story is told!”

Tumultuous processes, where masses swing between great expectations and deep disappointments, offer a favourable environment for fascism to establish its mass base. With their hopes for democracy and higher living standards gradually overshadowed by crisis and war, masses begin to feel more and more anxious about the future. Unable to grasp the true cause of the impasse and find a way out, unorganised masses become susceptible to all kinds of deceptions. When they fail to direct their anger at the right target, masses can fall into the trap of “common enemy”, set by fascist and chauvinistic circles. Thus, they steer their anger into an enmity against a fellow people, which serves the interests of ruling powers. It is generally on such a basis that the ruling class fosters nationalism in society. During their rise to power, Bonapartes, Führers and the like exploit the ignorance of the masses in such a vulgar way and masquerade as the saviour of society for their own ambitions to build a dictatorship. In such periods, it is of utmost significance to tirelessly explain realities to the working class and toiling masses and to enlighten them about the true intentions of the likes of Bonaparte and Führer, who resort to all kinds of deceptions, demagogies, provocations and massacres in their efforts to establish a cruel dictatorship. It is extremely vital to orient workers and toilers towards the struggle against these class enemies.

Bonapartism and fascism share many common characteristics. When analysing these two regimes, one should avoid a mechanistic approach that takes them as completely different categories. In the end, both concepts became part of Marxist literature in an effort to describe extraordinary forms of bourgeois rule. In general, Bonapartism is used in reference to the regimes where one person rises to power and takes possession of the executive authority. This process takes place as a result of infighting within the ruling bloc and a failure of the parliamentary mechanism, with Bonaparte rising over the rival wings of the bourgeoisie. However, as seen during the rise of civil fascism, bourgeois regime can carry the process of authoritarianisation beyond Bonapartism, reaching the extreme, that is, fascism. Fascism is a bourgeois regime that is totalitarian in the fullest sense of the word. Under fascism, the bourgeois parliament is totally liquidated and all opposition parties, organisations and media organs are outlawed. Fascist regime rules through cruel, open violence. (For a more extensive analysis, see Elif Çağlı, From Bonapartism to Fascism, Tarih Bilinci Publications)

Let us take a look at the developments in Turkey from 2011 onwards. In his efforts to strengthen his own faction during the bourgeois infighting, Erdoğan increasingly stood out as a political figure turning into a Bonaparte. Yet the internal conflict within the ruling class did not come to an end. Rather, it escalated further. The bourgeois regime became increasingly fragile on such a basis. This was combined with the extraordinary conditions shaped by the profound crisis suffered by capitalism, the imperialist war engulfing Turkey, and the Kurdish national independence struggle. All these presented a grave threat to the bourgeois order. Although the revolutionary struggle of the working class is far from posing a systemic danger, all the above-mentioned factors were sufficiently challenging for the ruling AKP. As a result of these conditions, for Erdoğan’s faction, staying in power became a matter of life and death. With bourgeois regime becoming increasingly fragile, Erdoğan adopted the posture of a leader who represents the only alternative – a leader the bourgeoisie must put up with. He imposed himself on all pillars of the system, from the military to various bourgeois circles. On his path to becoming a Bonaparte, Erdoğan also changed the bourgeois regime to a Bonapartist one. But extraordinary practices did not stop there, with developments moving in the direction of a fascist escalation. In parallel, Erdoğan began to take steps towards becoming a Führer in the hope that he would gradually be accepted by all bourgeois factions as the sole protector leader of the system. It should be noted that, as seen in the case of Hitler’s Germany, in the face of an existential danger, the bourgeoisie shows no hesitation to hand the political power to a Führer, whom they once despised as an ex-corporal (or an ex-imam).

While referring to the historical examples of Bonapartism and fascism in order to grasp the ongoing process in Turkey, we must bear in mind an extremely important aspect. It is indispensable to analyse concrete developments in a dialectical manner. The life is not determined by concepts. Rather, it is the life itself that epitomises and enriches the concepts, providing them with new dimensions. Therefore, in order to correctly grasp and describe the process, one must always take into account the nuances and examine the concrete conditions.

Fascism in the light of historical experience

When masses fall into despair as a result of economic crisis, mass unemployment and poverty, they become increasingly open to providing mass support for fascist leaders, who deceive them with all kinds of false promises. Once they manage to rally a certain section of society around their demagogic discourse, these “führers” begin to portray parliamentary regime as the source of all evil, marginalising all political rivals and silencing all opposition. And thus, they exploit the unorganised state of the masses for the purpose of building a fascist regime. This is how fascism came to power in Mussolini’s Italy and Hitler’s Germany. In such cases, fascism organised unemployed and lumpen sections of society and turned these desperate groups into its mass base. Thus, it rose to power in a bottom-up manner. In the case of Turkey, however, fascist regime was established through the military coup of 12 September 1980. Likewise, in many Latin American countries, fascism came to power through military coups that took place in a top-down and abrupt manner. The ongoing process in Turkey, however, rather resembles Italian and German fascism. As mentioned above, in both of these historical cases, fascism came to power by discrediting and sweeping aside the parliamentary mechanism and by leaning on a mass support. Citing Hitler’s Germany as an example, Erdoğan himself provides enough evidence to draw a parallel between Hitler’s Germany and the presidential system he desires.

In the cases of military fascist dictatorships in Turkey and Latin America, the parliamentary mechanism was ended through military coups in a top-down manner. But undoubtedly, these military coups came after a pacification process aimed at preparing society for what was to come. During this process, parliamentary regime became increasingly impotent in the eyes of the masses. Paramilitary atrocities that took place one after another instilled a deep fear in society. Thus, the public became accustomed to the idea that a military coup was inevitable. With the military coup of 12 September 1980, which came “one night, suddenly”, bourgeois politicians were completely swept aside in Turkey. Having ensconced themselves in power, army generals took measures to intimidate society. Embarking on a sudden wave of mass arrests, torture and repression, they crushed the revolutionary movement and the working-class struggle. Thus, they established a fascist regime. Coming in a top-down manner, fascism imposed itself upon whole society through menace and intimidation. Today, however, fascism is rising in a bottom-up manner, with Erdoğan having secured a significant mass support owing to the polarisation he fomented in society. Such a polarisation enables Erdoğan to employ tactics aimed at intimidating dissenting sections of society and suppressing the resistance through various forms of repression including arrests.

It would be fair to call the fascist regime that Turkey experienced following the 1980 coup as military fascism and the current rise of fascism as civil fascism. In the case of the 1980 coup, fascist generals came to power not through elections, but through the arms at their disposal. However, in the case of Mussolini’s Italy, Hitler’s Germany and today’s Turkey, civil fascist escalation follows a process where elections and referendums are used as launching pads. With parliamentary mechanism becoming increasingly crippled under Erdoğan’s leadership, bourgeois regime is escalating fascism by copying past experiences. Current debates over “snap election”, and formation of a “constitutional commission” for a new constitution, are all directly linked to the fascist escalation process.

Having been appointed prime minister by the king, Mussolini soon outlawed the Socialist Party along with all kinds of anti-fascist organisations. On January 2, 1925, he declared his fascist dictatorship, proclaiming himself “Duce” (leader). Mussolini’s fascism aimed at suppressing class antagonisms through corporatist trade unionism and establishing a Mediterranean empire on the basis of Italian nationalism. In the case of Germany, when the senile president Hindenburg appointed Hitler chancellor, fascism, organised under Hitler’s leadership, seized the opportunity and came to power through a sham election. In today’s Turkey, fascism is rising on the basis of Erdoğan’s ambition for presidency. In his effort to seize full power, Erdoğan is planning to gain an electoral majority through a sham election and obtain public approval for a new constitution, based on a Turkish type presidential system, through a sham referendum.

There are many other parallels between the historical examples of fascism and the current fascist rise in Turkey. In their effort to intimidate dissenting sections in society, fascist leaderships organise special striking forces out of unemployed and lumpen elements. (“Storm Detachment” in Germany or “Ottoman Hearths” in Turkey) A serious source of threat to fascist leaderships lies in organised sections of society, defiant intellectuals, artists, journalists and authors, who resist and fight against fascist escalation. Therefore they become the primary target of fascism. During his rise to power, Hitler staged the Reichstag fire in February 1933. The fire was organised by his own men, but the blame was put on the Communists. Following the incident, Hitler launched an all-out offensive on Communists, intellectuals and other defiant elements. Mass arrests, prohibitions and systematic brutalities followed each other in rapid succession, resulting in total liquidation of parliamentary democracy.

Fascist escalation is also characterised by a wave of hatred and criminalisation of intellectuals who raise their voice against the reactionary tide engulfing society. In today’s Turkey, there is an ongoing witch-hunt against intellectuals who stand for peace and democracy in the face of state terror. It bears a striking resemblance to the fascist onslaught of McCarthyism, which was waged against American Communists, intellectuals and artists in 1950s. 1,128 academicians, who stood for peace and signed the petition titled “We won’t be a part of this crime”, have been insulted by Erdoğan with such expressions as “pseudo-intellectuals” in a manner reminding one of the fascist General Evren during the era of the 12 September fascism. In his speeches, Erdoğan has publicly ordered judicial and administrative authorities to prosecute these academicians and even dismiss them from their posts, just like the 1,402 academicians who were dismissed from universities by the fascist junta in the early 1980s. Our “Führer” seeks to intimidate intellectuals and defiant elements by uttering threats. However, it should be pointed out that trends towards totalitarianism emerge not because these would-be “Führers” feel self-confident and hopeful for the future, but rather because they are unable to find any other way out than oppression and brutality. In such times, it is the dictators who fear more than anyone else. And the more they fear, the more oppressive they become. For revolutionaries, defiant sections of society and true intellectuals, however, a bright future lies ahead – a future that is free of fear, where dictators belong to the dustbin of history.

As is the case in Turkey, another typical feature of fascist escalation is the emergence of a clique of self-seekers who pursue a life of luxury by acting as toadies of the regime. This caste is generally composed of those who suffer from an inferiority complex because of their shortcomings and cowardice. Deprived of any moral compass, they attack true intellectuals who are targeted by fascist leadership. Spearheading all kinds of mudslinging and smear campaigns against defiant sections, these bootlickers go to any lengths to secure the leftovers from the plate of their masters. The series of “Mukhtar meetings” will be recorded in history as another feature of the ongoing fascist escalation. By gathering mukhtars [elected neighbourhood representatives] in his palace on a regular basis, Turkish type Führer seeks to instil his ambition for presidential system into cells of society. In short, Turkey has been experiencing a civil fascist escalation, beginning in the lead-up to snap parliamentary election in November 2015 and accelerating thereafter. As part of this escalation, pro-government media has whipped up hatred against intellectuals and Kurds. Criminal and lumpen elements have been recruited into special striking forces. Through toadies and mukhtars that gathered around “Führer”, regime has continuously sought to instil fascist demagogies into neighbourhoods, households and factories.

As a matter of fact, there is no need for lengthy explanations. Terrified by the success of the HDP (Peoples' Democratic Party) in the June 2015 parliamentary election, Erdoğan realised that it was impossible for him to seize full power through ordinary parliamentary mechanism. In the following months, a series of massacres and provocations were staged. A dramatic turning point was the July 20 Suruç Massacre, where members of the SGDF (Socialist Youth Associations Federation), who had gathered to deliver humanitarian aid to Kobane, were killed by an ISIS suicide bomber. On August 14, Erdoğan made a statement that represented a heavy blow to parliamentary system: “Whether admitted or not, the administrative system in Turkey has changed in this respect. What is needed now is to turn de facto into de jure through a legislative framework on the basis of a new constitution.” Aimed at undermining legislative and judicial bodies and concentrating executive power in one man’s hands, this move was recorded in history as Erdoğan’s civil coup of August 14. With October 10 Ankara Massacre, fascist escalation became glaringly evident. “Labour, peace and democracy” rally, attended by socialists, revolutionary workers, combative trade unionists and Kurds, was attacked by suicide bombers, claiming the lives of over one hundred demonstrators. Indeed, weeks later, in the November 1 election, AKP secured a parliamentary majority with 49.5% of the votes. This election marked the end of a tumultuous process that was full of suspicious events. In less than five months between the two elections, Erdoğan managed to bypass the parliament and clear the path for his presidency.

During this fascist escalation, the western part of the country has been dulled through pro-government media, intimidated by state terror and pushed into the environment of a bloody war pursued with imperial delusions. On the eastern part, however, the national independence struggle of the Kurdish people has been subjected to brutal persecution. The regime seeks to silence organised left-wing sections, conscientious intellectuals, journalists and artists who oppose its policies. Encouraged and protected by the regime, would-be mafia bosses such as Sedat Peker have gone so far as to threaten to “spill the blood” of the academicians who signed the peace petition. And while giving the green light to the likes of Peker, the regime is blaming and imprisoning intellectuals for supporting terrorism just because they oppose war and killings of innocent children.

No surrender to fascist escalation

As demonstrated by the 1980 junta in Turkey, fascism is a totalitarian regime. It liquidates mechanisms, legislations and institutions of ordinary bourgeois parliamentary system, crushing whatever the remnants of bourgeois democracy. It smashes the organisations of the working class and other revolutionary and democratic forces. Through waves of arrests and a systematic use of torture and brutality, it establishes an absolute dictatorship over society. When it ensconces itself in power, fascism deprives the masses of even their most basic democratic rights. Imposing its tyranny and oppression on all spheres of life, it kills the joy of living in society. It causes grave social damages that leave indelible marks on society. However, in accordance with the dialectics of life, fascist regimes are doomed to come to an end as a result of the accumulation of internal and external pressures.

The way fascism leaves the stage is so important for a society that it plays a decisive role in the ensuing development of social and political life. As thoroughly explained in our book From Bonapartism to Fascism, when fascist regime is overthrown by a popular struggle, it becomes easier to reduce its damaging effects on social and political life within a relatively short space of time. But when fascism dissolves in a gradual and controlled manner, as exemplified by the September 12 regime, it becomes highly difficult to liquidate its political and social institutions, anti-democratic legislations and mechanisms. And above all, a pessimistic mood continues to dominate social and political life for a long time.

In Turkey, the fascist regime of September 12 caused such a severe destruction that, for decades, its consequences played a decisive role in many aspects of life. From early 1990s until today, state terror dominated Kurdish question. Founded by the fascist junta in 1980s, many institutions such as the YÖK (the Council of Higher Education) continue to exist as decision-making authorities. Fascist constitution of 1982 is still in force. Fascist generals all died without facing trials. Left-wing organisations have never recovered from the successive blows they suffered. And finally, trade unions, vehicles of working-class struggle, have degenerated and hit rock bottom. It is glaringly evident that without having recovered from the adverse effects of the previous fascist regime, Turkey has entered a new course of fascist escalation.

But we must bear in mind that the difference between the civil character of the ongoing fascist escalation and the military character of the September 12 regime produces important consequences. When military fascism comes to an end within the limits of the bourgeois system, the army, despite its fascist record, may somehow recover and move on. This outcome stands in stark contrast to the examples of civil fascism. For those with eyes to see, history of civil fascism is not just a story of suffering on the part of the working masses, but also of miserable ends of dictators such as Hitler and Mussolini!

Let us briefly touch upon that particular historical period. Driven by imperial ambitions, Italian and German fascism established repressive regimes and plunged wide masses into bloody wars. However, as a result of the defeats abroad and the rising anti-fascist resistance at home, they crumbled into dust. The cases of Germany and Italy set striking examples of civil fascism. There was a stark contrast between the popular support these fascist regimes enjoyed at the beginning and the social mood during their collapse. When the Red Army entered Berlin on 23 April 1945, the defeat of Germany had already become inevitable. Lacking courage to face justice for his roles in massacres and crimes committed against humanity, Hitler committed suicide together with his wife, Eva Braun, in a bunker in Berlin.

As a result of military defeats, Mussolini was dismissed by the Grand Council in 1943 and arrested afterwards. However, he escaped from the prison and set off for Germany along with his mistress under the protection of German soldiers. The couple had taken with them two hundred kilos of gold and bags full of foreign currency, which they hoped would let them live in luxury for the rest of their lives. Fortunately, history would not spare the revenge. On April 27, 1945, Mussolini’s convoy was stopped by Italian communists. All his men and ministers were executed the same day in the presence of Mussolini. The next day, Mussolini and his mistress were executed by machine gun fire. As a warning to would-be fascists, their dead bodies were hanged upside down. Italian people, who had once hailed him as “Duce”, were now lining up to spit on his corpse! In subsequent years, they would regard Mussolini’s fascist ideology as a source of shame.

Historical experiences are highly instructive in terms of grasping the current state of affairs in Turkey. In social life, no dark period can last forever. As demonstrated by Chilean revolutionaries during the collapse of Pinochet’s fascist regime, sooner or later, the working masses reach a point where they see no point in fearing and begin fighting. Those who really fear are apparent in today’s Turkey! Is it not would-be dictators who tremble in deepest fear? With every step they take to escalate dirty wars, massacres and brutalities, they plunge deeper into the swamp. It is a huge dishonour to give in to fear and capitulate without a fight in the face of those trembling in fear.

History of capitalism is replete not only with lessons of fascist dictatorships, but also with golden pages of struggles waged against dictators by the working masses, who put an end to darkness despite all kinds of oppression. Therefore, one must always bear in mind that while it is important to point out the coming danger and heighten the struggle during fascist escalation, it is equally vital to avoid considering fascism as an accomplished fact before it seizes full power. In this regard, in the face of the ongoing fascist escalation in Turkey, opposing voices from progressive sections and intellectuals are of utmost importance. For, they alert and encourage wide masses who remain silent out of fear, despite their frustration with the fascist escalation.

History shows that it is vital to raise the struggle against fascist escalation in every field, before it is too late. This downward spiral can only be reversed by an anti-fascist struggle waged commonly by all opposing sections: from revolutionary workers, to democrat intellectuals, to organised socialists, to defiant Kurds. And let us not forget the vital importance of establishing a firm nucleus, which is based on common principles and composed of revolutionaries who conduct work within the working class. Such a force would play a decisive role in the formation of the united front of the working class against fascism. Today, fascism and war represent a grave threat to working and toiling masses. The only way to eliminate this threat is to raise the struggle. Only in this way can humanity overcome oppression. There is no other way out!