Since it reached the stage of imperialism in early 20th century, capitalism has developed a global system of workings and global relations on the basis of the law of combined and uneven development. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, with the collapse of the bureaucratic regimes in the Soviet Union and elsewhere, huge markets such as Russia and China became integrated into capitalism, making the system global in the full sense of the word. This development brought forth a discussion that revolved around this new stage of capitalism. It was argued that capitalism had acquired a different type of operation comparing to the past. We should note at the outset that, contrary to the claims of some ideologues, global capitalism is not a new stage that goes beyond imperialism. Today’s capitalism, which is associated with globalisation, is only a stale form of imperialism. And imperialism represents the final stage of capitalism, characterised by the dominance of finance capital. Today, capitalism has reached a point where it flounders in an endless instability and a crisis of hegemony.
Without a correct understanding of capitalist development, one cannot understand today’s world. Capitalism was once an adolescent system. It was making a historically progressive impact on the society. Comparing to the previous periods, it had an enormous capacity to develop the productive forces. Indeed, industrialisation and large-scale production achieved under capitalism laid the material foundations for socialism to a certain extent. However, this outcome represents only one side of the reality of capitalism. On the other side of the coin, capitalism, in its imperialist stage, has long past its adolescent period, with its aged body tending towards decaying. As Lenin remarked decades ago, imperialism is the parasite, decaying form of capitalism.
The long way capitalism has traversed so far on the basis of imperialist relations, most notably since the aftermath of the Second World War, further intensified this parasitism and decay. Capitalism is now following a path where a global onslaught on workers’ right goes hand in hand with global wars. Global capitalism is dragging the human being, the biggest productive force, and the environment into a global destruction. All these symptoms indicate that capitalist mode of production has reached a point of historical senility that represents a threat to the further development of productive forces and the existence of the world. Irrespective of the periodical ups and downs in economic operation, capitalism will never be adolescent again. On the contrary, as the ruling class pushes more and more with forced measures to prolong its life, capitalism’s death agony will be a long and painful one. The overthrow of capitalism is delayed by the lack of revolutionary consciousness and organisation suffered by working class. The longer the delay, the more severe the damage caused by capitalism.
In today’s circumstances, it is all the more important to define capitalism as parasitic and decaying. From this correct definition, however, one should not draw incorrect conclusions. Capitalism’s decay has indeed become increasingly apparent from the 20th to the 21st century. Nevertheless, this did not halt the growth of capitalist economy. Nor did it stop further expansion and intensification of capitalist relations of production across the world. As long as it exists, capitalism will intensify the exploitation of the surplus value and expand capital. This tendency will further exacerbate the inequalities between nations, regions, industries and so on. But as the tendency to decay deepens, economic growth acquires an increasingly imbalanced and unhealthy character from the social point of view.
During the imperialist stage of capitalism, the gap between the needs of society and the profit-driven production has widened into an unbridgeable abyss. The economic and technological advances achieved under capitalism have acquired such a character that is seriously questionable in terms of the interests of humanity. We cannot turn a blind eye to the illusions of the bourgeois ideology aimed at deceiving the masses regarding globalisation. The truth is that the global development of capitalism is far from making the world a better place. On the contrary, it is dragging the world towards total destruction. Capitalism is strangling humanity like a blind beast that cruelly destroys much more than it builds.
Today, the world has become the playground of a few powerful imperialist states that are fighting for the re-division of spheres of influence. They are plunging different regions and the poor people living in these regions into the hell of unjust wars. Interventions of the imperialist powers do not bring freedom to these regions. Rather, they bring the hegemony of big monopolies and a chaos that serves the interests of these monopolies. Imperialism leads not to democracy but to political reaction. It is exacerbating already-existing social contradictions on a colossal scale.
Capitalism has acquired an increasingly monopolised, global and imperialist character. However, this tendency did not bring well-proportioned and harmonious workings between different industries or the sectors of economy such as agriculture, industry and services. On the contrary, it has further exacerbated existing disproportions and the anarchic structure of the production process. Some claim that monopolisation will make the crises of capitalism weaker and less frequent, while some others maintain that global monopolies will eliminate the root cause of economic depression by planning the production on a worldwide scale. These are all bare-faced lies. Today, the world is pervaded by colossal financial corporations that surpassed the boundaries of the nation-state through global mergers. But this concentration does not result in a planned economic operation, nor does it eliminate the crises of capitalism. Quite to the contrary, this development triggers large-scale crises that simultaneously devastate stock markets in many different countries.
Large-scale capitalist production has promoted groundbreaking technical inventions and improvements aimed at increasing efficiency. But capitalism is a mode of production where the main goal is to maximise the profits of capitalists, rather than meeting the needs of society. Therefore, the imbalance in the distribution of technology has also reached inconceivable levels. On one side, there are human communities living under the most primitive conditions, deprived of access to clean water. On the other side stands a privileged minority enjoying the luxuries offered by the latest technology. This is the true face of capitalism. It is clearly evident that with its global operation becoming more widespread and intensified, capitalism has extremely exacerbated social disparities both internationally and domestically.
As production became more and more socialised with capitalist development, capitalist private property became an even bigger barrier to the development of productive forces. When individually owned businesses became incompatible with ever-growing investment projects, capitalism created corporations and proceeded its way with them. Based on joint ownership of the property, this new form of capital was an attempt to surpass the barriers of private property. Yet, this did not abolish the capitalist private ownership, but only changed its form. Individual private ownership lost its significance, as capitalist ownership increasingly took the form of joint-stock companies.
As the shares of ownership spread across various capitalist countries through investment, big capital acquired a multinational or trans-national character. Thus, global capital movements became increasingly widespread and severe. But these developments did not put an end to the division of the world into nation-states. No matter what they say, in the final analysis, capitalist mode of production is based on nation-state system. In their efforts to have an influence on a global scale, major financial groups use various means and methods in order to surpass the nation-state barrier. The competition between monopolies or capitalist states involves many different methods ranging from economic sanctions to tactful diplomacy, from political pressure and intrigues to open wars.
It is true that under capitalism global relations developed on a much more widespread and intense basis when compared to previous periods. But this globalisation corresponds to the globalisation of a literally decaying capitalism. Decaying capitalism is intoxicating the nature and threatening human life. It is exacerbating the general tendency for instability on a world scale, making it permanent. We should also point out the fact that capitalist development in Russia and China goes hand in hand with integration into such a global capitalism. With their vast territories and colossal mass of workers and toilers, these two countries have a decisive place in the world. The collapse or dissolution of bureaucratic regimes did not bring democracy to these countries. Rather, they are being integrated into world capitalism as countries ruled with an iron fist. Therefore, in our efforts to comprehend the political reaction that engulfs the world in the age of global capitalism and to grasp the danger of fascism, we must take into account all these factors that determine the period we are passing through.
Today, capitalism is waging a brutal attack on the working class and oppressed nations all over the world. Major imperialist powers such as the USA, along with their so-called strategic partners, i.e. sub-imperialist powers like Turkey, are hatching bloody plots against Kurds, Palestinians and other oppressed peoples. As a result of imperialist rivalry, poor masses are confronted with appalling massacres in many African countries such as Rwanda, Somalia, Sudan and Ethiopia. These human tragedies are obscured by the bourgeois media through systematic brainwashing techniques aimed at hiding the realities from masses. Colossal developments in communication technologies stand in stark contrast to the monopoly established by the bourgeoisie over the means of communication. In theory, masses are now able to reach news sources through much more diverse means. But in practice, they are subjected to a colossal eclipse of reason at the hands of the bourgeois media.
Acting as a supra-party force in direct service of big capital, the media is manipulating the masses, turning them into puppets through disinformation techniques that are used to manage public opinion. Recent developments in Turkey set a striking example of this.
Within the span of twenty-four hours, millions of ordinary people, who, left on their own, do not care other than their everyday problems, can fall prey to a nationalist hysteria created by media. Those who regard Kurdish people as brothers and sisters may fall into the trap of provocation set by the bourgeois media and applaud those attempting to lynch Kurds. For, unorganised masses are none other more than a herd. Unorganised herds cannot develop their own independent views. And most importantly, unorganised masses can easily be turned into the mass base of fascism.
The problem is not limited to Turkey. In almost every country, bourgeois politics is structured under control by central and secret state apparatuses that are also known as “deep state”. Surely, there is a difference between ordinary and extraordinary forms of the bourgeois rule. Yet, all the above-mentioned developments point to the fact that bourgeois parliamentary system is becoming less and less functional. Everywhere, including developed capitalist countries, the scope of bourgeois democracy is shrinking, whereas states are acquiring an increasingly totalitarian character.
Capitalism proceeds on the basis of industrial cycles that consist of the phases of recovery, boom, crisis and recession. This is the ordinary working mechanism of the capitalist mode of production. As we touched upon in an earlier work, the anarchical nature of capitalism creates crises of overproduction, and therefore it is impossible to imagine a capitalism without crises. (See Elif Çağlı, Crises of Capitalism and Revolutionary Situation) Capitalism can overcome its crises, but only at the cost of planting the seeds of greater ones. While crises trigger cyclical collapses, they also pave the way for a recovery. However, although industrial cycles operate on the basis of this law, ever-growing monopolisation has diminished the recuperative role played by crisis mechanism.
In addition to the short-term tendencies that find their expressions in periodical crises, capitalist operation also demonstrates long-term tendencies in the form of a general upswing or a downswing depending on the course of class struggle and international developments. For instance, as a result of the recovery potential emerged in the aftermath of the Second World War, capitalist world system enjoyed a long period of upswing until the 1970s. As the wave of upswing ebbed, the inevitable downturn started, plunging capitalism into a long-term trend of recession characterised by increasingly convulsive and frequent crises. Surely, this general decline also involves temporary phases of recovery and boom. But with the crises acquiring an increasingly frequent and prolonged character, capitalism fails to achieve a remarkable and steady upswing.
As can be clearly seen today, capitalist states seek to delay crises through central monetary and interest-rate policies or by pumping credit into economy. For fear of the imminent outbreak of a crisis, they implement anti-crisis policies on an almost permanent basis. As a result of such interventions in the economic cycles, stabilizing mechanisms of crises are becoming less and less effective. In short, the instruments used by capitalism in order to overcome its historical impasse are losing their effectiveness, laying the foundations for sudden and severe economic collapses.
In the age of imperialism, credit system occupies an extremely important place in the workings of capitalism. In order to cope with the glitches in the economic cycle caused by inadequate purchasing power of the masses, consumption is kept alive through lending, boosting indebtedness. In addition to the credits given to industrialists, banks also provide credits to low-incomers at extremely high interest rates in an effort to maximise the profits of the funds they manage. However, when there is an exponential rise in the number of borrowers that are unable to repay their loans, credit system begins to receive one blow after another. Recent developments in banking industry should be considered within this scope. For instance, U.S. banks experienced serious convulsions regarding mortgage loans, while the British government bailed out banks that were about to go bankrupt as a result of unpaid loans.
In the face of an inextricable tendency for recession, there is an unceasing effort to promote investments, which finds its expression especially in the housing industry where credit bubble is over-inflated. This led to fragile and instable conditions in the banking system and certain stock markets as seen in the case of Turkey. Therefore, despite the economic news and official figures spread by the bourgeois media, it is a plain fact that capitalism will be confronted with increasingly severe crises. There is no way to escape scientific laws forever. The more they inflate the bubble, the more gas accumulates in it, and, the more severe becomes explosion that would inevitably occur after a certain point. This has been proven time and again by stock market crashes, especially since the 1980s. The bourgeoisie, on a global scale, is now living in an almost constant fear of crisis.
We can approach the problem from another aspect. Today, when the big capital detects danger in a specific sector, it jumps to another one that is considered more profitable. As a result of these moves, the world markets generally become more unstable and volatile. When the tendency towards instability reaches serious dimensions, it undermines the desire to invest in the industry and lead the capital to short-term and higher-yielding financial games. But it is obvious that the greed to make money from money, without any real increase in the total surplus value, is nothing else than gambling. The mass of total surplus value, created by the world working class, is divided into the forms of profit, interest and rent. The ongoing competition for this division constitutes a massive source of speculation. On the basis of “hot money” flows across global stock markets in pursuit of financial games, economic figures are soaring in an artificial manner. Yet, figures that are inflated through speculation would sooner or later plummet to their real levels.
In order to eliminate the illusions about the capitalist system instilled by the bourgeoisie into the masses, it is necessary to explain multifaceted realities to the masses. This includes the exposition of realities in the field of economy. But here, the style and content are of utmost importance. Brains and pens can fulfil a revolutionary function only to the extent that they serve the task of heightening the struggle of the working class against capitalism. Reformist left-wing press or academic leftists give much credit to and focus on the exposition of daily or short-term fluctuations in figures. In fact, such an analysis copies the style of bourgeois economists. Revolutionary analysis must avoid such an approach. It must explain the main tendencies regarding the general course of capitalism and take a stand aimed at attracting the working class to the struggle. For, revolutionism can only start at the point where one does not rest content with interpreting the capitalist world, but go further and hoist the banner of struggle against it.
Global attack: Neo-liberalism
1980s represent an historical turning point where it became clearly apparent that capitalist world system had already plunged into recession. In line with this, world capitalism opened up a new chapter called neo-liberalism, characterised by an all-out attack on workers’ rights and social funds. This development was epitomised by Reaganism in the USA and Thatcherism in Britain. Starting from the centre countries of the imperialist system, the wave of neo-liberalism began to spread to the periphery countries. It found its expression in Turkey in the form of Özalist restructuring in the 1980s. This period also witnessed tumultuous developments such as the collapse of the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc, which altered the balances of power. Having remained as the sole system in the world, capitalism became totally reckless and ferocious.
With neo-liberalism, monopolistic capital embarked on a drive to liquidate the social conquests that were products of historical struggles waged by the working masses. This campaign was the proclamation of dominance of economic liberalism which maintains that everything must be left to the mercy of the market. Having been advised to capitalist states in order to achieve economic recovery following the Second World War, Keynesian policies were now discredited. Keynesianism was an economic policy that advocated increasing state expenditure in order to bolster aggregate demand and reduce unemployment. Keynesian policies were introduced during the capitalist expansion in the post-war period. They were accompanied by certain improvements in the living and working conditions of the poor masses, which aimed at reviving consumption. As a result of these policies, the working masses, most notably in developed capitalist countries, acquired social rights regarding healthcare and education, along with unemployment and retirement benefits. Undoubtedly, this kind of policies was caused not solely by economic factors.
During that period, the global political landscape was determined by different conditions. The bureaucratic regimes in the Soviet Union and other similar countries represented a so-called “socialism”. However, their economies were based on an etatism that involved policies such as free healthcare, free education, low rental charges and free nurseries for working mothers. It was obvious that these policies would appeal to the working masses in capitalist countries. This put serious pressure on capitalist states, leading them to avoid cutting the social benefits. This pressure would continue until the collapse of the bureaucratic regimes. The aftermath of the Second World War also marked the beginning of a long economic upswing. Under the combined effect of these two factors, the bourgeois propaganda, which maintains that wild capitalism was a thing of the past, appeared more convincing. According to this narrative, capitalism had left behind the period of great depressions that dragged the world into wars. As a result of the reform it had undergone, the living and working conditions of the masses had been improved. Thus, the period of “social welfare state” had opened up. The old wolf was disguised in sheep's clothing, trying to deceive the masses. Unfortunately, this found an echo amongst the masses. Especially in developed capitalist countries, which were able to implement social improvement policies, the working masses were dragged into the swamp of reformism, forgetting the need for revolution.
In medium-developed and underdeveloped capitalist countries, the economic conditions were different. These countries lacked a bourgeois order strong enough to implement substantial reforms. Despite this, mainly due to the impact of Western Marxism, the reformist view that capitalist state can be turned into a “social welfare state” also found favour in such countries as Turkey. In the end, until the 1980s, in almost all capitalist countries, social democracy and similar currents were considered as a left-wing alternative that could fix the flaws of capitalism. However, when international institutions of big capital introduced neo-liberal policies all over the world, left-wing and right-wing bourgeois governments began to implement increasingly similar policies. Irrespective of the political labels they carry, various bourgeois parties adapted their government programs to the demands of world capital. Social-democratic parties of the bourgeoisie aligned themselves with their conservative and liberal counterparts on the basis of neoliberal policies imposed by world capital.
In economy, neo-liberalism amounts to abandoning the policies that improve the living and working conditions of the masses. This is accompanied by a restriction of democracy in the political sphere. As clearly seen in the case of the USA, neo-liberal policies are implemented by circles such as neocons (new conservatives), resulting in strange compositions. In the bourgeois political spectrum, this phenomenon finds its expression through political amalgams where various labels (nationalist, liberal, democrat and so on) gather under the same umbrella. Different examples of such amalgams can be seen in many capitalist countries including Turkey.
It is clear that, in this way, neo-liberalism acquired a character that goes far beyond an ordinary policy of a bourgeois government. It became the ideology of the period where capitalism suffers from instability and breathlessness. This so-called “new” liberalism also widened the gap between political liberalism and economic liberalism. As is known, economic liberalism is characterised by its support for the wild laws of the market. Political liberalism, on the other hand, tries to soften this view through its advocacy of democratic rights. Standing aloof from this political liberalism, neo-liberalism escalates reaction in the political sphere. On the other hand, we must also correctly interpret the objection raised by neo-liberalism against etatism.
Today, contrary to the claims of bourgeois ideologues, capitalist state has not ceased its intervention in the economy. The only difference from the previous period is that the state meets the demands of big capital in line with the necessities of the new period. Capitalist state liquidates its investments in certain sectors. It is also acting as a mediator in transferring profitable fields of investment into the hands of large monopolies by means such as privatization. As a collective capitalist, it intervenes in the accumulation and distribution of social funds. While the state’s share of contribution to these funds is being decreased, the distribution of funds made from the taxes and cuts from the working masses are restructured in line with the interests of monopolies.
When social funds are allocated to the masses, big capital circles adopt a hostile stance towards etatism. Yet, when it comes to protecting their interests, they never abstain from relying on state’s power. Governments are cutting social spending in favour of broad masses. Thus, they are allocating greater portions to war budgets. In all capitalist countries, from imperialist ones to underdeveloped ones, a war hysteria is being whipped up. In line with this hysteria, military expenditures are rising at an unprecedented pace. This point is of utmost importance. The capitalist states are the biggest clients of arms monopolies. Considering this fact, one can see how actively capitalist states participate in the economy, despite all the tirades about economic liberalism.
The age of imperialism is generally accompanied by a rising wave of militarism. It is impossible to imagine the imperialist stage of capitalism without militarism and expansionist wars. Today, capitalist states are confronted with ever-intensifying crises that are becoming almost permanent. In their efforts to overcome them, carve out spheres of influence and suppress revolutionary upheavals of the masses, they are acquiring an increasingly militaristic character. In all capitalist countries, the bourgeois rulers are trying to create an external enemy in order to militarise society and use militarism as a means of class repression. The ongoing wars for hegemony between rival imperialist powers may appear regional in terms of the hot battle zones. Yet, in terms of their content, they are acquiring a world war character.
The developments shaping today’s world point precisely in this direction. The instability of capitalism has grown into a systemic crisis in many respects. This crisis is accompanied by an exacerbating and unpredictable struggle for hegemony between big powers such as the USA, EU, Russia and China. Successive events that took place on a global scale glaringly exposed the fact that the temporary stability in international relations has come to an end. The competition for hegemony between big powers is exacerbating regional problems, carrying them from diplomatic tables into trenches and expanding the terrain of imperialist wars.
We are passing through a period of hot wars in the full sense of the word. Prior to the collapse of the Soviet Union, there had been a period of “Cold War” owing to the state of equilibrium between two super powers. That period has long been gone. During the Cold War, due to the nuclear power balance between the USA and the USSR, there were certain topics on the international agenda including the reduction of nuclear weapons. Today, however, an escalation of nuclear armament is on the agenda in many different capitalist countries, ranging from big imperialist powers such as the USA, Russia and China to countries seeking to become sub-imperialist powers in their regions such as India, Turkey and Iran. Spreading under such conditions, the wave of imperialist wars involves daunting dimensions in terms of human life. There can be nothing more dangerous than vain hopes for a permanent peace under capitalism.
When the flames of the hell of imperialist war burned European countries, these periods were named as the First and the Second World Wars. Today, however, imperialist powers confront each other by spreading the fire to the regions that are subjected to a carving-up of spheres of influence. This is the current form of the Third World War, which has long begun. We cannot foretell how the battlefield would expand. But one thing is clear: today’s rising imperialist powers, Russia and China, will become more and more involved in conflicts in the regions subjected to re-division. In pursuit of hegemony, rivalries between competing powers will bring about emergence of new imperialist blocs, accompanied by conflicts with escalating levels of tension between these blocs.
It is common knowledge that the means and methods of warfare have changed in the course of history. Therefore, it is clear that the new world war will not be a replica of any of the two previous imperialist re-division wars. This is a point of utmost importance. Either out of error or perhaps in an attempt to make a deliberate distortion, some view the hell of war as a temporary phenomenon, despite the fact that it is happening right in front of their eyes and showing a clear tendency to expand. Yet, the world has already entered a period of a multilateral global confrontation involving the old imperialist powers such as the USA, EU and Japan, and the rising imperialist powers like Russia and China. As may be remembered, the period covering the First and the Second World Wars witnessed the meteoric rise of the US imperialism, while European countries were fighting one another for hegemony. What put an end to this period was the emergence of the USA as the indisputable hegemon of the imperialist-capitalist system.
However, under the altered conditions of today, the ending of global-scale hegemonic wars will not be a simple repetition of the past. Stalemates and unending disputes may lead to a chaotic situation which may last long. However, it should not be the primary concern of workers to preoccupy themselves with the question of which imperialist power would prevail at the end of this chaotic situation. The fundamental point is to overthrow imperialist-capitalist system once and for all, not to debate over in which forms it will continue its existence. Only workers’ revolutions can offer the way out of the chaotic atmosphere of the period of imperialist wars which show a tendency to expand. Assessing the situation objectively, one can state that this last stage of capitalism is pregnant not only with insane wars, but also with social revolutions. As Trotsky once said, the revolutionary vanguard of the working class must be prepared for years, even decades of wars, insurrections, short armistices, new wars and new insurrections.
In this respect, today, it is an urgent and indispensable task to put the struggle against the destructive wave of war, waged by American imperialism under Bush administration, in the context of revolution. Despite the gravity of the current situation, pacifists and reformists spread the illusion that the wave of imperialist war can be ended by a change of the US policy under a new president. To give credence to such views and leanings would be such an immense heedlessness. The revolutionary forces of the working class cannot approach the problem from an erroneous and narrow perspective that is based on the critique of the policy adopted by this or that bourgeois government. It is imperative to evaluate today’s burning issues on the basis of the general threat posed by the capitalist-imperialist system.
The world under threat
Another notable characteristic of the current era is the increasing militarization of the bourgeois media as a result of the wars. It has become fashionable for the bourgeois press and media channels to recruit specialists from strategic research institutes whose number has been growing steadily in recent years. The media had lately begun to allocate greater coverage to economic news, making it part of the daily life. In a similar way, we are now presented with innumerable comments about the course of the wars of hegemony in the world. Although they may seem to provide thorough analyses at first sight, strategists can never remain neutral while commenting on the developments. For, this field is another field of battle where the psychological war is being waged between rival imperialist powers. In their attempts to shape public opinion in accordance with their own interests, different parties propagandise different strategies through the bourgeois media. Whichever strategy prevails, under the conditions of an unsolved crisis of hegemony, the outcome will be war and war again.
The history of the great wars of re-division shows that as long as the struggle for hegemony remains unsolved, the general state of war continues. This point also sheds light on the possible developments in the near future. The USA had long been the indisputable hegemonic power of the capitalist system from economic, political and military points of view. In today’s circumstances, the USA’s hegemonic position has become a subject of controversy. Yet, neither the EU, nor Russia, nor China is strong enough to replace the US individually and put an end to the crisis of hegemony. Therefore, although it is possible for rival powers to stand up to the USA in the Middle East, such an outcome would not bring an end to the crisis of hegemony. On the contrary, it would most probably further exacerbate it.
For, history also shows that when big powers such as the USA retreat in defeat, this would amount to nothing more than temporary armistices. It is clear that such short breaks would always be used as preparation periods before moving on to the next destructive onslaught. In short, under capitalism, regardless of the prospects, the outcome would be same for the working class and poor masses. Therefore, it is of vital importance to develop a class attitude in face of the escalation of imperialist wars, without getting lost amidst different speculations on current developments and trailing behind one of the bourgeois camps. It is necessary to turn the threats into revolutionary opportunities.
Decaying capitalism is becoming increasingly aggressive. On the other hand, the present epoch has an explosive characteristic manifesting itself with sudden changes in political conditions. Indeed, this has been proven by the popular unrests and riots that broke out in different countries and regions one after another. Capitalist states are confronted with a wave of unrest caused by the ever-intensifying antagonism between productive forces and relations of production. They seek to stifle this wave by escalating political reaction and resorting to repressive methods. Whichever actual problem we deal with, it leads us to the fact that capitalism has become a global beast that threatens the future of humanity. With all the global disasters it caused, capitalism has already turned the 21st century into its doomsday. If capitalism continues to exist, there will not be another century for the modern humanity. Either capitalism will destroy itself along with nature and humankind, or the working masses will destroy it and build with their own hands a future free from class division and exploitation. We have no other choice and we are running out of time!
A Spectre Is Haunting the World